The Story of the Atlantic Cable — Context and Discussion

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Bright, Charles, Sir, 1863-1937 Project Gutenberg 2014
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Words: 53,642
Reading time: 234 min
Text sections: 7
An editorial note on Sir Charles Bright's 1903 account of the first transatlantic telegraph cable, focusing on how the catalog subject 'Transatlantic cables' aligns with the book's technical narrative, firsthand crisis accounts, and prefatory framing of submarine telegraphy's evolution.
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Morse was a great letter-writer, and records of his early work are solely based on his own statements at a time when he noted in his diary: "I am crushed for want of means. My stockings all want to see my mother, and my hat is hoary with age." In 1845 Ezra Cornell, who was afterward the founder of Cornell University, laid a cable, twelve miles long, to connect Fort Lee with New York, in the Hudson River. The cable consisted of two cotton-covered copper wires, insulated with india-rubber, and enclosed in a leaden pipe. It worked well for several months, but was broken by ice in 1846. In that year Mr. Charles West paid out by hand an india-rubber insulated wire in Portsmouth harbor, through which he signaled from a boat to the shore. The experiment was intended as the forerunner of the establishment of telegraphic communication between England and France, but for want of the necessary funds was not followed up.

Subaqueous, or marine, telegraphy owed its institution, however, to the introduction of gutta-percha, for insulating purposes. The late Dr. Werner Siemens having invented a machine for applying gutta-percha to a wire--similar in principle to the machine for making macaroni--considerable lengths of gutta-percha-covered subterranean wires were laid in Germany and Prussia between 1846 and 1849; and in 1849 Siemens laid a gutta-percha insulated conductor in the harbor of Kiel which was used for firing mines. Following this came the extensive system of underground lines laid down in England for the Magnetic Telegraph Company by their engineer, Mr. (afterward Sir Charles) Bright, in accordance with a patent of his. Short lengths were also laid, mostly through tunnels, by the Electric Telegraph Company a little later.

On the 10th day of January, 1849, the late Mr. C. V. Walker, F.R.S., electrician to the Southeastern Railway, laid a gutta-percha-covered conductor, two miles long, in the English Channel. The wire was coiled on a drum on board the laying vessel, from which it was paid out as the vessel progressed. Starting from the beach at Folkestone, the line was joined up to an aerial wire, 83 miles in length, along the Southeastern Railway, and Mr. Walker, on board the Princess Clementine, succeeded in exchanging telegrams with London.

On the 23d July, 1845, the brothers Jacob and John Watkins Brett addressed themselves to Sir Robert Peel, as Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury, relative to a proposal of theirs for establishing a general system of telegraphic communication--oceanic and otherwise. They were referred to the Admiralty, Foreign Office, etc., and gradually became involved in a departmental correspondence--more academic than useful--in which they were passed backward and forward from one government office to another. After considerable negotiations with both governments concerned, a concession was at last obtained by the Messrs. Brett, and a company formed for instituting telegraphy between England and France by means of a line from Dover to Calais. Twenty-five nautical miles of No. 14 copper wire covered with 1/2-inch thickness of gutta-percha was then manufactured, the electrician's tongue being the only test applied to some of the lengths. The shore ends for about two miles from each terminus consisted of a No. 16 B.W.G.[4] conductor covered with cotton soaked in india-rubber solution, the whole being incased in a very thick lead tube. The rest of the line was composed of the gutta-percha insulated wire above described, with 30-pound leaden weights fastened to it at 100-yard intervals,[5] the laying vessel having to be stopped each time one was put on. The submersion of the line was successfully effected, but it only lived to speak a few more or less incoherent words--one being a short complimentary communication to Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, shortly afterward Emperor of the French. It subsequently transpired that a Boulogne fisherman had hooked up the line with his trawl, "mistaking it for a new kind of seaweed!" This enterprise excited little attention at the time. It was, in fact, regarded as a "mad freak" and even as a "gigantic swindle." When accomplished, The Times remarked, in the words of Shakespeare, "The jest of yesterday has become the fact of to-day"; and a few hours later it might with equal truth have been said that "the fact of yesterday has become the jest of to-day!" The feasibility of laying such a line and of transmitting electric signals across the Channel had, however, been proved. The signals obtained had, moreover, the effect of eradicating the then very prevalent belief that, even if the line were successfully submerged, the current would become dissipated in the water.[6] It now remained to find a satisfactory method of protecting the insulated conductor from injury during and after laying. The excellence of the insulating material was recently testified to when some portions were recovered.

Though the above line was not, practically speaking, turned to any account, it was by no means abortive, for the signals it had conveyed were sufficient to "save the concession," which was renewed by the French Government on December 19, 1850. But the previous failure had made capitalists distrustful; and only some weeks before the expiration of the time limit the necessary funds had not been raised.

_Dover-Calais, 1850-'51._--The undertaking was saved by the energy and talent of one man, Mr. T. R. Crampton, an eminent railway engineer. He raised the necessary capital (£15,000), putting his own name down for half this amount and being joined by Lord de Mauley and the late Sir James Carmichael. He (Mr. Crampton) also settled the type of cable to be laid--based on the iron pit-rope; this, in one form or another, practically remains the type of to-day. The cable contained four copper conducting-wires of No. 16 B.W.G., each one covered with two layers of gutta-percha to No. 1 gage; these four insulated conductors, or "cores," were laid together and the interstices filled up with strands of tarred Russian hemp. The outer covering consisted of ten galvanized-iron wires of No. 1 gage wound spirally round the bundle of cores; this armor was provided "with a view to protecting the insulated conductors from the strains and chafing which had so seriously interfered with the chances of the previous line." The completed cable weighed about seven tons to the mile. It was coiled into the hold of an old pontoon hulk, which was then taken in tow by two steamers. A third tug to stand by, and a small man-of-war steamer to act as pilot, accompanied the laying expedition. The cable was landed at the foot of the South Foreland lighthouse and paid out toward Cape Sangatte, but the weather was less favorable than on the previous occasion; moreover, the weight of the cable--in the absence of efficient holding-back gear--caused it to run out too rapidly, notwithstanding the slight depth (some 30 fathoms) encountered. Added to this, the tugs drifted with the wind and tide. Thus when the vessels arrived within about a mile of the French coast no more cable was left on board, and a fresh length had to be procured and spliced on before the line was complete. This cable proved a lasting success: it underwent numerous and extensive repairs, and it was only quite recently that its abandonment took place.

_Other Early Cables._--The success of Crampton's line gave considerable impetus to submarine telegraphy. Similar enterprises sprung up on all sides; but many failures occurred before these operations came to be regarded as ordinary industrial undertakings. In the course of the following year (1852) three unsuccessful attempts were made to establish telegraphic communication between England and Ireland. In the first--between Holyhead and Howth--the cable was not heavy enough to contend with the rough bottom, and strong currents and disturbances from anchors experienced in these waters; but this undertaking is remarkable as being the only instance in which an effort was made to do without any intermediate serving between the insulated conductor and the iron sheathing. In the second attempt--between Port Patrick (Scotland) and Donaghadee (Ireland)--the cable consisted of a central copper conductor covered first with india-rubber, then with gutta-percha, and then hemp outside all. This cable, being far too light, was actually carried away by the strong tidal currents and even broken into pieces during laying. In the third endeavor, between the same two points, the arrangements for checking the cable while paying out being again inadequate, there was not sufficient to reach the farther shore. However, in 1853, a heavy cable, weighing 7 tons per mile, with six conductors, was successfully laid for the Magnetic Telegraph Company by the late Sir Charles Bright.[7] This was in upward of 180 fathoms--the deepest water in which a cable was laid for some time--and proved a permanent success, forming the first establishment of telegraphic communication with Ireland. Only a year elapsed before it became evident that another cable was required to meet the traffic between England and the Continent, and an additional line was laid from Dover to Ostend. Anglo-Dutch and Anglo-German cables followed in due course; and in less than ten years from the commencement of its operations over the first Channel cable, the Submarine Telegraph Company (since absorbed by the state) was working at least half a dozen really excellent cables, varying from 25 to 117 miles in length, connecting England with the rest of Europe. During the next few years submarine communication was established between Denmark and Sweden, as well as between Italy, Corsica, and Sardinia; and between Sardinia and the north coast of Africa; but where successful, the measures adopted were, in the main, similar to those we have already described in connection with the preceding lines, though special conditions were, in some instances, the means of introducing certain modifications and improvements. Several serious failures were, however, experienced in the deep water of the Mediterranean which had a detracting effect--in the public mind--on the chances of the great undertaking which was to follow.

EVOLUTION OF ATLANTIC TELEGRAPHY IN AMERICA AND ENGLAND

Gradual Evolution--The Projectors--Survey of the Route--Soundings--Nature of the Ocean Bed--Formation of the Atlantic Telegraph Company--Raising Capital--Critics, "Croakers," and Crude Inventors.

As has been shown in the introductory chapter, the efforts of the early projectors of submarine telegraphy were at first confined to connecting countries divided only by narrow seas, or establishing communication between points on the same seaboard. The next step forward, with which we are here immediately concerned--that of spanning the Atlantic Ocean between Europe and America--was aptly characterized at the time as "the great feat of the century." By its means the people of the two great continents were to speak together in a few moments, though separated by a vast ocean.

This was the first venture in transoceanic telegraphy. There was no applicable data to go upon; for the vast difference between laying short cable-lengths across rivers, bays, etc., in shallow water, and that of laying a long length of cable in depths of over two miles across an open ocean will be easily recognized--at any rate, by the sailor and engineer.

The wires of the Magnetic Telegraph Company had already been carried to various points on the west and south coast of Ireland; and, in 1852, Mr. F. N. Gisborne, a very able English engineer, obtained an exclusive concession for connecting St. Johns, Newfoundland, with Cape Ray, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, by an overhead telegraph-line. The idea was to "tap" steamers coming from London to Cape Race at St. Johns, and pass messages between that point and Cape Breton, on the other side of the Gulf, by carrier-pigeons. A few miles of cables were made in England, and laid between Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick. Mr. Gisborne then surveyed the route for the land-line across Newfoundland, and had erected some forty miles of it, when the work was stopped for want of funds. When in New York in 1854, Gisborne was introduced to Mr. Cyrus West Field, a retired merchant, who became enthusiastic on the subject, and formed a small, but strong, syndicate for the practical realization of Gisborne's scheme. A cable eighty-five miles in length was made in England, to be laid between Cape Breton and Newfoundland; but after forty miles had been paid out, rough weather ensued, and the undertaking had to be abandoned. A fresh instalment was, however, sent out in 1856, and successfully laid across the Gulf, thus connecting St. Johns with Canada and the American lines. The conductor of this line instead of being a single solid wire was, for the first time, composed of several small wires laid up together in strand form--with a view to avoiding a flaw in any single wire stopping the conductivity, besides affording increased mechanical pliability.

The feasibility of uniting the two vast systems of telegraphy had engaged the consideration of some of those most prominently associated with electric telegraphy on both sides of the Atlantic. It had been already shown that cables could be successfully laid and maintained in comparatively moderate depths in the Mediterranean, Black Sea, etc., but the nearest points between the British Isles and Newfoundland are nearly 2,000 miles apart. The greatest length of submarine line which had hitherto been effectively submerged--110 miles--formed but an insignificant portion of such an enormous distance; and that, too, involving a depth of nearly three miles for a large proportion of the way, instead of about 300 fathoms.

Apart from the engineering difficulties entailed by this vast distance and depth, the question was then undetermined as to the possibility of conveying electric currents through such a length in an unbroken circuit, and at a speed that would enable messages to be passed rapidly enough in succession to prove remunerative. Various researches had been made--by Faraday among others--with a view to determining the law in relation to the velocity of electricity through a conducting-wire.

The retarding effect of the insulating covering had already been discovered; but the exact formula for the working speed of cables of definite proportions and lengths was not correctly arrived at till some years later. The similarity, in principle, of a cable to a Leyden jar was first pointed out by Mr. Edward Brailsford Bright in the course of a paper read before the British Association in 1854. He showed that on charging a gutta-percha-covered wire, the insulating material tended to absorb and retain a part of the charge and to hold back, as a static charge, some of the electricity flowing as current through the conductor--just as the charge (of opposite potential) induced on the outside plate of a Leyden jar statically holds the primary charge on the inner plate, until either are neutralized. The brothers, Edward and Charles Bright, made a series of extensive experiments on long lengths of underground wires; and these investigations were supplemented later by Mr. Edward Orange Wildman Whitehouse (formerly a medical practitioner), who became electrician to the first Atlantic cable. Mr. Whitehouse was a man of very high intellectual and scientific attainments, and a most ingenious and painstaking experimenter.

The retardation of the electric current through an insulated wire due to induction--a phenomenon practically unknown with bare, aerial wires suspended on posts, and of no consequence with quite short cables--was overcome by using a succession of opposite currents. By this means the latter, or retarded, portion of each current was "wiped out" by the opposite current immediately following it; and thus a series of electric waves could be made to traverse the cable, one after the other, several being in the act of passing onward at different points along the conductor at the same time. The Messrs. Bright devised a special key (embodied with a patent for signaling through long cables) for transmitting these alternating currents from the battery; and this was followed by others to effect the same object--one by Professor Thomson (now Lord Kelvin), who became electrical adviser to the enterprise.

A certain degree of knowledge regarding the nature of the bed of the Atlantic Ocean was now available; for in the summer of 1856 a series of soundings had been taken by Lieutenant O. H. Berryman, U.S.N., from U.S.N. Arctic, and also independently by Commander Joseph Dayman, R.N. (H.M.S. Cyclops), showing what was called "a gently undulating plateau extending the whole distance between Ireland and British North America." These depths (averaging about 2-1/2 miles) compared favorably with those that had presented themselves farther southward. The ground was found to shoal gradually on the Newfoundland side, but rose more rapidly toward the Irish shore. The soundings were taken with the ingenious apparatus of Lieut. J. M. Brooke, U.S.N. (Fig. 2), which formed the prototype of all similar deep-sea sounding-tubes of the present day. In this, at the extremity of the sounding-line a light iron rod, C, hollowed at its lower end, passed loosely through a hole in the center of a cannon-ball weight, A, which is fastened to the line by a couple of links. On the bottom being touched, the links reverse position, owing to the weight being taken off, and the cannon-ball, or plummet, B, being set free, remains on the ground, leaving the light tube only to be drawn up with the line.[8] In the act of grounding, however, the open end of the tube presses into the bottom, a specimen of which is consequently obtained--unless it be rock or coral. An oozy bottom was found throughout the soundings. The specimens brought up to the surface were shown under the microscope to consist (Fig. 3) of the tiny shells of _animalculæ_--the indestructible outside skeletons of the animal organisms known as _diatomaceæ_ and _globigirenæ_ foraminiferæ largely composed of carbonate of lime.[9] No sand or gravel was found on the ocean bed, from which it was deduced that no currents, or other disturbing elements, existed at those depths; for otherwise these frail shells would have been rubbed to pieces. As it was, they came up entire--without a sign of abrasion. The plateau or ridge--which was found to extend for some 400 miles in breadth--was considered a veritable feather-bed for a cable. Indeed, in his subsequent report to the United States navy, Lieut. M. F. Maury, U.S.N., spoke of this "shallow platform or table-land" as having been "apparently placed for the express purpose of holding the wires of a submarine telegraph and of keeping them out of harm's way." Lieutenant Maury concluded his report as follows: "I do not, however, pretend to consider the question as to the possibility of finding _a time calm enough, the sea smooth enough, a wire long enough, or a ship big enough_, to lay a coil of wire sixteen hundred miles in length." These words form amusing reading nowadays, as do also the suggestions of "telegraph plateaus" furnished by Providence as a resting-place for the Atlantic cable. The "plateau" idea was only true to the extent that the bed of the ocean in these regions afforded a smooth surface as compared with the Alpine character prevailing north and south of it. These soundings at something like fifty-mile intervals were not, however, originally undertaken with the Atlantic cable expressly in view. Indeed, for many years--until experience pointed to the absolute necessity--no special surveys were made previous to the laying of a cable.[10]

Formation of the _Atlantic Telegraph Company, 1856._--Cyrus Field, besides being a man of sanguine temperament and intense business energy, also possessed shrewdness and foresight. Thus, he immediately recognized the value of Gisborne's concessions, and determined to turn them to the fullest account. His extraordinary acumen told him that by improving on the exclusive landing rights already obtained in America, he would place himself in the strongest possible position in regard to the big notion of an Atlantic cable. No sooner had he made up his mind to this effect than he set to work to accomplish the idea; and very soon exclusive rights were obtained in his name (Gisborne having entirely dropped out of the negotiations) for practically every important point in connection with the landing of an Atlantic cable on British North American territory. The period for these rights was fifty years, besides which he obtained various grants of land. Thus it will be seen he had assured himself a very strong position in connection with any project for an Atlantic cable without having had (in the words of his brother, Henry Field) "any experience in the business of laying a submarine telegraph." Mr. Field's syndicate was about this time registered as the New York, Newfoundland, and London Telegraph Company, which was now capable of debarring competition for a considerable period, at any rate.

Sir Charles Bright's The Story of the Atlantic Cable (1903) opens with a prefatory note that situates the work at a specific historical moment: the jubilee of submarine telegraphy and the approaching anniversary of the first Atlantic cable. Bright explicitly contrasts the cable with the then-emerging wireless telegraphy of Marconi, noting that the first Atlantic cable's engineer accomplished his feat at the same age—twenty-six—as Marconi when he transmitted signals across the Atlantic. This framing, rather than a simple chronicle, positions the book as a deliberate pause to examine the older technology before it is superseded.

Catalog Subject vs. Narrative Scope

The catalog subject 'Transatlantic cables' accurately describes the book's topic, but the excerpts reveal a narrower focus than a comprehensive history. The table of contents shows that Parts I and II are devoted to the pioneer line of 1857–1858, while later parts cover subsequent cables and systems. However, the excerpted narrative concentrates almost entirely on the 1858 expedition, with vivid detail about the Agamemnon's storm, cable injuries, and near-disasters. The book does not, from these excerpts, provide a broad technological survey; instead, it offers a participant's close-up view of a single, fraught voyage. Bright's own role as engineer (son of the cable's chief engineer, Sir Charles Tilston Bright) lends the account an insider's perspective, but the catalog subject may lead readers to expect a more general history than the excerpts deliver.

Technical Language and Crisis Moments

The excerpts are rich with precise engineering terminology: 'dynamometer,' 'self-releasing brakes,' 'electrical continuity,' 'insulation,' 'dead earth.' These terms are not explained for a lay audience, suggesting the book assumes some technical literacy. The narrative's most gripping passages describe a crisis where the cable is damaged, electrical continuity is lost, and the crew races to make a splice while the cable pays out. Bright writes that 'the cable was unwinding within a hundred fathoms' and that the ship 'hung on by the end' for a few minutes. The language is urgent and concrete, avoiding abstract praise. The inclusion of an illustration titled 'In Collision with a Whale while Cable-Laying' hints at further dramatic episodes not present in the excerpt. This technical yet dramatic voice is a key feature of the work.

Prefatory Framing and the Wireless Context

Bright's prefatory note explicitly addresses the contemporary context of 1903: 'the substitution of submarine cables by wireless telegraphy systems is a subject of common talk.' He writes that the book appears at a 'suitable moment' to contemplate the evolution of older methods. This framing is not merely historical; it is a defensive or commemorative gesture, asserting the cable's significance against the new technology. The note also mentions the 'jubilee of Submarine Telegraphy' and the approaching Atlantic cable jubilee, giving the book a ceremonial tone. Readers should note that this preface shapes the entire work as a retrospective celebration rather than a neutral technical report. The excerpts do not reveal whether the later chapters engage with wireless directly, but the preface sets an agenda that the catalog subject alone does not convey.

Readers approaching The Story of the Atlantic Cable should expect a focused, firsthand account of the 1858 cable-laying expedition, written by an engineer with family ties to the project. The book's technical detail and dramatic crisis scenes are its strengths, but its scope is narrower than a full history of transatlantic cables. The prefatory note signals a commemorative purpose, making the work as much a piece of technological advocacy as a historical record. For those interested in the human and mechanical drama of early submarine telegraphy, the book delivers; for a broader survey, supplementary sources may be needed.

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